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| we minimize how bad results of our actions are to make ourselves feels better |
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| understand rationality this way to analyze its many manifestations... saves from embarrassment |
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| cognitions imply the reverse of one another |
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| no psychological implications |
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| researchers on the theory of cognitive dissonance |
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| cognitive dissonance was designed to not influence behaviors, but to influence... |
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| keeping cognitions consonant |
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| is a primary human motivation and one that can have a powerful impact on our beliefs and feelings. |
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| works best in changing people's minds |
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| primes precede targets. follow one another in rapid succession. primes and targets match. reflects underlying social attitudes that people are unwillingly to express openly... indicates automatic associations |
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| experimenters in hidden prejudices |
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| deliberate discrimination |
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| intentional mistreatment of minorities |
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| spontaneous discrimination |
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| inadvertent mistreatment of minorities |
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| questionnaire... measures: Old-Fashioned Racism Scale & Modern Racism Scale |
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| spontaneous discriminaton predictor. found by sequential priming tasks. individuals may not be aware of prejudices. |
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| conscious assessments of interviewer |
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| in underlying prejudice experiment. interviewers were rated based on performance by participants. likability and sincerity. rater's also judged themselves. |
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| was also scrutinized by experimenters. levels of eye contact and rates of blinking. identified interpersonal warmth. |
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| self-reported prejudice and implicit prejudice |
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| are unrelated. (scores on OFRS & MRS failed to correlate with sequential priming tasks) |
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| a far stronger mediator of self-fulfilling prophecy than explicit feedback. |
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| rules shared by a group of people about what behaviors & beliefs are appropriate |
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| social responsibility norm |
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| stresses one's duty to help people in desperate need |
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| requires one to repay others' gifts or favors |
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| social sins of commission |
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| doing what one should not be doing |
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| failing to do what one should be doing |
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| experimenter on norms (light) |
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| optical illusion where stationary dot seems to jump around |
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| false participant who is someone associated with the experimenter |
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| internalizing norms and abiding by them using informational influence |
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| did line tests to study group norms |
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| size of group pertaining to norms |
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| matters until after 3 or 4, then stays consistent |
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| in Asch study, participants' motivation was... |
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| to get along with the group. |
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| others influence us becausew we recognize that their opinions often reflect reality. We conform out of a desire to be right. |
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| we fall in line because we feel the ned to comply. builds self-esteem |
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| normative pressure is more powerful... |
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| when it occurs face-to-face. |
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| ubiquitous and hard-to-resist norms |
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| John Darley and Bibb Latane |
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| Researchers on Bystander Failure |
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| no one else helping makes you question whether it is an emergency. one looks at how others are responding and if not, collective inaction begets collective inaction. may also make assumption someone else is helping. |
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| diffusion of responsibility |
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| responsibility is spread among all the bystanders, so individual responsibility is diffused. |
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| Darley and Latane's study |
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| NYU students in room, listen to personal info of someone else, thinks there are others listening, person has epileptic seizure. timing of help measured if any at all. measured reaction of participants based on how many people he/she thought was listening. |
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| independent variables in Darley and Latane |
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| group size and composition |
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| dependent variables in Darley and Latane |
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| whether and how fast a participant reported seizure to experimenter |
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| avoidance-avoidance conflict |
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| were ashamed if did not take action but did not want to make fools of themselves by jumping to conclusions |
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| the more witnessed to an emergency... |
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| the less likely anyone is to help |
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| experimentor on Obedience |
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| many people who do evil things are not horrible people, but normal people following orders |
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| operationalized obedience |
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| Milgarm defined obedience in terms of how he could measure it. |
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| main dependent variable in Migram |
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| maximum shock a participant would administer before refusing to go on |
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| not one person stopped before it |
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| 65% in obedience experiment |
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| group pressure/defiant ally |
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| as a great influence on people |
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| subsidiary role of participant |
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| when he/she felt less responsible by not pulling the lever, 93% let the learner experience the full shock |
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| dictates that people should obey those with legitimate authority |
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| norm of social responsibility |
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| demands that people help others in distress |
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| one commits to something that is more costly than originally anticipated |
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| cockroach study. as well as Turkish word practice. relationship between presence of others and individual performance |
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| enhance (social facilitation) or impair performance (social inhibition) |
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| facilitates dominant responses, but inhibits non-dominant responses |
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| presence of an audience with Turkish words |
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| found that in presence of others, facilitated those that were practiced many times, but inhibited recall of less frequent ones. |
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| Roaches took more time when |
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| in tadem in maze or alone on runway |
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| presence of others/roaches |
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| presence of roach audience inhibited maze performance but facilitated runway performance |
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